THE LITTLE MERMAID'S SILENT SECURITY DILEMMA AND THE ABSENCE OF GENDER IN THE COPENHAGEN SCHOOL Lene Hansen
This article points to the absence of gender in the Copenhagen School of security studies and argues that this is indicative of two problems stemming from the Copenhagen School's 'speech act' framework: the 'security as silence' and the 'subsuming security' problems. 'Security as silence' occurs when insecurity cannot be voiced, when raising something as a security problem is impossible or might even aggravate the threat being faced. 'Subsuming security' arises because gendered security problems often involve an intimate inter-linkage between the subject's gendered identity and other aspects of the subject's identity, for example national and religious. Because gender rarely produces the kind of collective, self-contained referent objects required by the Copenhagen School it often gets defined as an individual - and less important - security problem. The article argues that a theory of gender and security demands a more thorough concern with how security discourses are produced than offered by the Copenhagen School. Drawing on Judith Butler's work, two suggestions are presented: to examine the bodily performance taking place within the speech act, and to look at the individualising strategies employed in keeping security problems from appearing at the collective level.
THE DIALOGUE OF CIVILISATIONS AND INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC SPHERES Marc Lynch
Mohammed Khatami, shortly after his election as the President of Iran, initiated a global public discourse which directly responded to Samuel Huntington's prediction of a coming clash of civilisations. Drawing on the institutions available in global civil society, and creating an episodic public sphere around the issue of civilisational relations, Khatami's call for dialogue succeeded in reframing inter-civilisational relations. The initiation and the impact of the 'dialogue of civilisations' poses important questions for International Relations theory and practice. It can best be understood within international public spheres theory, drawing on Habermas' theory of communicative action and recent deliberative democracy literature While this initiative has only partially shifted the strategic relations between Iran and the United States, it has succeeded in creating an issue-specific international public sphere in which communicative action has produced new conditions for the relations between the West and Islam. These global discourses demonstrate the potential for communicative action within international public spheres to significantly affect important aspects of international relations, producing outcomes very different from those predicted by rationalist or realist theories.
THE GRACEFUL AND GENEROUS LIBERAL GESTURE: MAKING RACISM INVISIBLE IN AMERICAN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Robert Vitalis
Toni Morrison argues that a highly and historically racialised US culture today exhibits a powerful tendency toward 'silence and evasion' in matters of race. I examine the effect of this 'norm against noticing' on American International Relations theory. IR theory although increasingly concerned with the origins of international institutions, the power of norms, and the origins and course of American empire and hegemony has had virtually nothing to say about the impact of racial ideology in the construction of the modern world order. I subject various currents in American scholarship to critique and revision in two idioms: in one case theoretical, and in the other, empirically-oriented, in the course of revealing some of the 'struts and bolts' of racism as an international institution. I draw attention to three kinds of practices in particular. The first is the caste distinctions on which so called humanitarian interventions historically depended and still depend; the second is the 'strategic' white supremacist rationales on which opposition to US expansionism once rested; and the third is the system of American apartheid (Jim Crow) which was exported from the United States to the Caribbean, Latin America, the Middle East, and Asia as expansionism gained new ground at the turn-of-the-century.
FROM ALLIANCE TO SECURITY COMMUNITY: NATO, RUSSIA, AND THE POWER OF IDENTITY Michael C. Williams and Iver B. Neumann
Focusing on relations between NATO and Russia surrounding the Alliance's decision to enlarge, this paper develops a theory of symbolic power that highlights the relationship between identities, narrative structures, institutions, and legitimate action in the construction of security policy. We demonstrate that such a theory provides a significant contribution to analysing the role of NATO in post-Cold War security, to understanding the evolution of NATO-Russia relations, to assessing the 'promise' of international institutions as a means of structuring security relations, as well as highlighting forms of power at work in the social construction of 'security communities'.
HANS MORGENTHAU'S ANTI-MACHIAVELLIAN MACHIAVELLIANISM Benjamin Wong
This article addresses the apparently contradictory moral perspectives between Hans Morgenthau's Scientific Man Vs. Power Politics and his Politics Among Nations. While the former maintains a perfectionist or non-utilitarian ethics, the latter appears to subscribe to a form of utilitarian ethics. The article argues that the contradiction can be resolved by working through Morgenthau's teaching of the evil of politics. It shows that Politics Among Nations re-enacts that teaching. In other words, Morgenthau practices an art of deception that is in keeping with the imperatives of a perfectionist ethics. The analysis thus reveals that elements of rhetoric and irony are integral to the constitution and articulation of his political realism. Accordingly, an argument could be made for the re-evaluation of Morgenthau's thought along the lines of the analysis undertaken here. Furthermore, this perspective on Morgenthau could open the door for classical political realism to engage post-structuralist theorists of international relations on their own terms.
CONSIDERING GLOBALISM, PROPOSING PLURALISM: MICHAEL WALZER ON INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE Brian Orend
Globalisation and international justice are complex, topical issues. Michael Walzer offers provocative reflections on them, from a standpoint sceptical of global governance and supportive of national self-determination. Tolerance of national pluralism is for him the authoritative norm for international relations. This article explores Walzer's insights, explaining their relevance and putting them into play with perspectives critical of his commitments.
THE GREAT ILLUSION: WOMEN IN THE MILITARY Martin van Creveld
Contrary to common wisdom, the influx of women into the military of the advanced countries that has taken place since 1970 does not represent a victory for the feminist movement. Instead, it is part symptom, part cause, of the decline of those militaries that has been going on for many years. As of today, the militaries that have taken on any number of women scarcely any longer fight wars; whereas those that still do fight wars have very few, if any, women.
'SHOOTING' AT THE WRONG TARGET: A RESPONSE TO VAN CREVELD Jean Bethke Elshtain
What the military is for, certainly in the United States, seems to have changed dramatically and the absorption of large numbers of women into the military is one striking feature of this change. But I would suggest placing all the weight on its so-called 'feminisation' is mistaken. A careful analysis has to situate itself within the broader political dynamics, including the decline of notions of civic duty, that contributed to the transformation of the militaries of the advanced countries, and importantly examine the influence of technological innovations on the outlook of the armed forces. No doubt, a variant on arguments for gender equality - a version I find problematic - has also played its part. But it is only a part - not, as van Creveld would have it, the whole picture.
HUMANISING WARFARE, OR WHY VAN CREVELD MAY BE MISSING THE 'BIG PICTURE' Christopher Coker
It is the larger social context which Martin van Creveld does not address in an otherwise spirited and thoughtful paper. First of all, the civilian and military worlds are converging very fast and the 'feminisation of the military' is yet another manifestation of the closing of the gap between the two worlds; it is another feature not of the decline but revaluation of soldiering as a profession. Reflecting new civil values, it can be said that we are witnessing the rise of a new kind of soldier, not one who has gone 'soft' but one who has become, by necessity, more humane.
CONFRONTING GLOBALISATION: INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ITS CRITICS Paul Langley
The contemporary revival of interest in the field of International Political Economy (IPE) has coincided with the apparently unprecedented restructuring of the world economy that tends to be labelled 'globalisation'. The forces of change associated with globalisation have been felt throughout state-societies to such an extent that they have become the focus for a large amount of research undertaken across the social sciences. The ability of IPE to become firmly established as a recognised field of inquiry in its own right is, therefore, undermined unless IPE scholars can make a distinctive contribution to our comprehension of globalisation. With globalisation representing such a critical juncture for the development of IPE, mainstream visions of IPE that draw narrowly upon a combination of international relations and liberal economics do not seem capable of providing the foundations necessary for the consolidation of the field. This is most starkly revealed once we reflect upon contributions made to our knowledge of the emerging global economy from across the social sciences, and upon critical visions for IPE that engage openly with interdisciplinary insights.