| Glass
ceiling, biological floor
Kingsley Browne
This
article originally appeared in the Time
Higher Education Supplement,
2 October 1998
Women have swept through the workplace in the past
30 years. In the United States now, 46 per cent of the workforce
is female. Women can be found in abundance in the lower
echelons of management, yet on many measures, they still
lag behind. Women make up only 5-7 per cent of senior executives
in large corporations and less than 3 per cent of firefighters.
Full-time women workers earn only 75 cents for every dollar
earned full time by men.
Many women believe these statistics point to a monumental
injustice. This belief is often based on the assumption
that men and women are interchangeable and have the same
work preferences, leaving discrimination as the most plausible
explanation for any disparities between the sexes. It is
an assumption that is fundamentally flawed.
The conventional wisdom in the past few decades has been
that human behaviour is chiefly a product of social conditioning
and that it is our 'sexist society' that causes men and
women to act differently - that causes men, for instance,
to be aggressive and competitive and women caring and nurturing.
But modern science casts doubt on this. Anthropologists
have demonstrated that, rather than being idiosyncratic
social artefacts, many sex differences are universal. Moreover,
personality traits, such as shyness and sensation-seeking,
once thought to be purely products of a person's upbringing,
are now known to be hugely affected by genes. Average differences
in temperament between the sexes turn out to be more than
'social constructs'.
Some scientists now believe that these temperamental differences
result from 'sexual selection', a special form of natural
selection. Broadly speaking, natural selection is the process
whereby those best adapted to their environment survive
and have children, thus passing on their genes to the next
generation. Sexual selection favours those features that
give one animal a reproductive advantage over others of
the same sex. Male deer, for example, have elaborate antlers
that they use vigorously in competing with each other for
female mates. The male can inseminate many females in a
breeding season, whereas females cannot similarly increase
their reproductive success by mating with many males. There
would be little reproductive advantage to female deer from
fighting among themselves for access to males, while the
payoff for the victorious male deer can be immense.
Men, like male deer, can increase their reproductive success
by increasing their number of sexual partners. Suspected
terrorist Osama Bin Ladin, for example, is the 17th of his
father's 52 children, a brood no woman could hope (or would
want) to duplicate.
What is it that has traditionally characterised reproductively
successful men? Or, to put it another way, what qualities
do women seek in a mate? Today's women tend to prefer dominant
men of high status with lots of money, and there is little
reason to believe that their ancestors differed. For much
of human history male status came from being a skilled hunter
and warrior and from the ability to influence others through
muscle or wit. This history has left men more disposed than
women to strive for status and engage in the risky, competitive
and sometimes aggressive behaviour often required to ascend
hierarchies. Women with a taste for winners would likely
be in a position to pass their preference on to more children
than would women with a penchant for failures.
Women would not ordinarily enhance their reproductive success
through direct competition and risk-taking. Indeed, it would
promise little reproductive payoff and could be a very dicey
strategy because a bad outcome would imperil a woman's future
reproduction and the well-being of existing children. Instead,
women, to a far greater extent than men, have enhanced reproductive
success by looking after their children as they grow up,
resulting in stronger bonds between mother and child than
between father and child.
Given that the sexes are genetically identical except for
the Y chromosome possessed by males, how do parents transmit
different temperamental traits to their sons and daughters?
The answer involves sex hormones. Hormones manufactured
by the male foetus cause its brain as well as its body to
develop in a male direction, and differential hormonal exposure
throughout postnatal life, especially at and after puberty,
enhances the difference. These hormones produce a mind oriented
more towards risk and competition, just as they produce
an anatomy that is larger and more muscular. Women exposed
to these hormones tend to be more rnasculine in behaviour,
often being tomboys in youth and competitive women in adulthood.
Sex differences in labour-market behaviour are predictable
consequences of these psychological sex differences. Today,
for probably the first time in history, men and women work
side by side doing the same tasks and competing for positions
in the same hierarchies. Although women do quite well by
many measures, what accounts for their sparse representation
among senior executives? As studies of successful executives
have shown, temperament has a big impact on achievement.
Those who reach the top tend to be aggressive, competitive
and willing to take risks - traits men possess disproportionately.
A study of women's career achievement found that the more
'masculine' the woman (assertive, competitive). the greater
her career achievement; achievement was negatively correlated
with 'femininity' (nurturing, warmth).
The 'gender gap' between male and female salaries has similar
causes. Most economists do not believe it is caused by wage
discrimination but rather by such obvious reasons as men
working longer hours and in more dangerous jobs in worse
conditions. Even within occupations, the sexes have somewhat
different career orientations. Female physicians and lawyers
are much more likely than their male counterparts to be
employed for a salary and to work regular (and shorter)
hours. Men are more likely to be in private practice, work
longer hours and bear the economic risk of business failure.
While sex differences in workplace behaviour exist even
for single workers, they are greater for married ones and
even more so for parents. Marriage and parenthood affect
the behaviour of both men and women. causing women to decrease
their workplace commitment and men to increase theirs. This
is consistent with a psychology inclining men towards seeking
status and money and women towards caring for offspring.
Although many have advocated an increase in state-subsidised
daycare to ameliorate the glass ceiling, it is not lack
of money but an unwillingness to delegate the care of their
children to others that causes women to eschew single-minded
devotion to career.
Every choice entails trade-offs. Time devoted to family
is time that cannot be devoted to career. Women in increasing
numbers now face a choice long faced by men. For many the
choice is particularly poignant because women (like other
mammalian females) are often reluctant to separate from
their young. They feel more guilt than men for having done
so. This does not mean they have no choice; it means that
they are predisposed to make the choice differently from
men.
For reasons understandable in evolutionary terms, men's
self-esteem is more related to workplace success than that
of women, which is tied more to success in social relationships.
Thus, the psychic rewards of working and not working are
often different for men and women. Once one sees that women
invest less in the workplace to obtain greater psychic payoff
domestically, their lesser workplace reward may seem less
of an injustice.
But there is substantial overlap between the sexes; the
differences described are merely average differences. Just
as many women are taller than many men, many women are more
competitive and more risk-oriented than many men. Nonetheless,
among those who are unusually tall or unusually competitive
and risk-oriented, males will be substantially over-represented.
Moreover. nothing said here justifies treating iridividual
men and women differently. Rather, it explains why, even
if they are given the same opportunities, they are likely
to respond differently. Neither does my argument deny the
continued discrimination against women. although government
pressure to raise female representation at work ensures
there is also discrimination against men.
This explanation does not show that the current percentage
of women in executive suites is at the 'right' or 'biologically
determined' level. Those there today are there because of
a career trajectory set decades ago when there was less
opportunity and when women's educational and career choices
reflected that fact. We can expect a continued rise in the
number of women ascending the corporate ranks, but we should
not expect them to reach parity with men.
Even with today's strong social consensus against sex discrimination
and with girls being urged to be anything they want to be,
we should not be surprised if marked sex differences in
the labour market persist.
Reproduced by kind permission of the THES. The author
has given his permission for use of his work free of charge.
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